Since 2002, GLAAD catalogued 102 episodes and non-recurring storylines of scripted television that contained transgender characters, and found that 54% of those were categorized as containing negative representations at the time of their airing. An additional 35% were categorized at ranging from \"problematic\" to \"good,\" while only 12% were considered groundbreaking, fair and accurate enough to earn a GLAAD Media Award nomination.
For the purpose of this study, GLAAD excluded the few regular or recurring transgender characters that have appeared over the years. Although not always perfect, the groundbreaking storylines on shows like The Education of Max Bickford (CBS), Degrassi (Teen Nick), The Riches (FX) and Ugly Betty (ABC) deserve credit for their more fully-formed and complex representations of transgender people. GLAAD also has high hopes for the potential storylines developing on shows like Glee (Fox) and the scripted series the Sundance Channel is currently developing about a young transgender man.
These 50-state comparisons allow you to directly compare how states are faring on a number of measures for teens and women overall. These measures include teen birth and pregnancy rates (both current levels and trends), percent of teens having sex and using contraception, and prevalence of unplanned pregnancies among all women.
Because some statistics are indicators of increased risk (e.g. the teen pregnancy rate) and others are indicators of reduced risk (e.g. used contraception at last sex), the state with the highest ranking may not necessarily have the highest value. For more information about the data and key terms, please see our Terms and FAQs. For citations, please see our Sources section.
Kost, K., & Maddow-Zimet, I. (2016). U.S. Teenage Pregnancies, Births and Abortions, 2011: State Trends by Age, Race and Ethnicity. New York: Guttmacher Institute. Retrieved from: -teen-pregnancy-state-trends-2011.
A pregnancy can result in a live birth, an abortion, or a miscarriage. Pregnancy data include all pregnancies (births, abortions and miscarriages), while birth data reflect only live births. Also, while birth data are based on a near 100% accounting of every birth in the country, pregnancy data incorporate an estimate of miscarriages and abortion numbers that draw on various reporting systems and surveys. Pregnancy data are generally released a year or two after birth data because it takes time to incorporate these different components. The Guttmacher Institute and the National Center for Health Statistics wtihin the Centers for Disease Control both publish teen pregnancy rates. Although their methodologies differ slightly, both rely on largely the same underlying data sources, and their results are very similar (for more detail, see: -facts-teen-pregnancy-united-states).
Unlike teen birth data, which are routinely released in the following year, there is generally a one to two year lag in the release of teen pregnancy data. Our teen pregnancy data come from publications released by NCHS and the Guttmacher Institute, which combines data from NCHS birth and population data along with the Guttmacher Institute survey of abortion providers to estimate the number and rate of teenage pregnancies. If you need a more recent indicator, consider using teen birth data instead.
It is common to confuse a rate per 1,000 with a percentage, but they are not the same. A percentage is measured per 100, while rates are commonly measured per 1,000. To get a sense of the difference, consider that a teen birth rate of 26.5 births per 1,000 teen girls equates to a percentage of 2.65% teen girls having a birth each year. The relative frequency of teen births each year is typically expressed as a rate, not a percentage.
* While all other measures refer to teens age 15-19, the proportion of teen births and pregnancies by age are measured for all women younger than 20. When data on births and pregnancies to girls under 15 are not available, this proportion is measured only among 15-19 year olds. These proportions may not add to 100%, due to rounding. Proportions which are less than 0.5% are rounded down to 0%.
The national decline in the teen pregnancy rate by race/ethnicity is measured since 1991 rather than 1990 (the peak year) because rates by race/ethnicity are no longer uniformly available for 1990. Also, while the current teen pregnancy rate reflects non-Hispanic black teens, the decline in the teen pregnancy rate is calculated among black teens overall due to data availability; this raises little concern given that rates for black teens overall and for non-Hispanic black teens are nearly identical.
ChildSafe is a counseling center for child abuse, primarily sexual abuse, that provides therapeutic services to children, teens and adults, and their non-offending family members. ChildSafe's mission is to repair the damage done to victims and their families, reduce the risk of re-victimization, and prevent the cycle of abuse from carrying over into future generations.
Homeward Alliance operates a continuum of programs and initiatives, ranging from critical survival gear, to employment services, to homelessness prevention. They are not only an alliance of services, but also an alliance of volunteers, donors, agency partners and other community stakeholders. Homeward Alliance envisions a community in which homelessness is rare, short-lived and non-recurring.
The mission of the Sister Mary Alice Murphy Center for Hope is to facilitate collaboration among 17 independent agencies offering an array of 38 programs and services in support of individuals and families who are homeless or at risk of becoming homeless in Larimer County. Their goal is to provide a continuum of services, in a single location, to help people to survive through crisis, move forward into stabilization and ultimately to thrive in a return to self-sufficiency while helping our community to make homelessness rare, short-lived and non-recurring.
Just as you would seek out a cardiologist for a heart condition, it's recommended that parents seek out a pediatric and adolescent gynecologist if their daughter has recurring issues or if they have concerns about her development.
American6) and British7) studies repeatedly show that daughters of divorced parents will be more likely to approve of premarital sexual intercourse8) and teen sexual activity,9) and to engage in early sexual intercourse outside of marriage; similar results are shown among fatherless households in general.10) The National Longitudinal Survey of Youth reports that African-American girls are 42 percent less likely to have sexual intercourse before age 18 if their biological father is present at home.11) By contrast, the presence of a stepfather increases by 72 percent the likelihood of sexual intercourse before age 18 for Latino girls.12)
Virginity among teenagers of all ages correlates closely with the presence of married parents.20) Each change in family structure during adolescence (from married to divorced, from single to married, or from divorced to stepfamily) increases the risk of initiation of sexual intercourse for many of the teenage children in these unions.21)
Following a divorce, most mothers have to work full-time. This combination of divorce and a full-time working mother leads to the highest level of teenage sexual activity27) and is significantly correlated with multiple sexual partners in adult life.28)
Women whose parents separated during childhood are more likely to have an out-of-wedlock teenage pregnancy,29) and men with divorced or separated parents are more likely to father a child with a teenage mother.30) In Britain, the phenomenon of out-of-wedlock pregnancy to children of divorced parents has also been found.31)
In adolescence, child sexual abuse has been associated with early onset consensual sexual activity, unprotected sexual intercourse, multiple sexual partners and teenage pregnancy (Senn, Carey, & Vanable, 2008; Upchurch & Kusunoki, 2004). In adulthood, similar sexual risk behaviours have been documented for survivors of child sexual abuse (Arriola et al., 2005; Cohen et al., 2000; Fergusson, Horwood, & Lynskey, 1997). For example, Wyatt, Guthrie, and Notgrass (1992) found that victims of child sexual abuse were more likely to engage in group sex and partner swapping on a frequent basis and in other types of sexual behaviours that increase the risk of sexually transmitted infections (STI). The findings of van Roode, Dickson, Herbison, and Paul (2009) suggest that risky sexual behaviours in survivors of child sexual abuse may vary with age and gender; for women survivors, increased rates were observed for the number of sexual partners, unhappy pregnancies, abortion, and STIs from age 18 to 21; thereafter the rates approached those of non-abused women. In contrast, for male survivors, the number of partners was significant from age 26 to 32 and the acquisition of herpes simplex virus type 2 from age 21 to 32. There is also evidence that gay men and bisexual men who were sexually abused in childhood were more likely than their non-abused counterparts to engage in unprotected anal sex, to trade sex for money or drugs, to self-report having HIV, and to have been involved in non-sexual violence (Jinich et al., 1998; Kalichman, Gore-Felton, Benotsch, Cage, & Rompa, 2004). These findings are consistent with other research which suggests that child sexual abuse is associated with later sexual risk behaviour in men as well as women (Senn et al., 2008). However, more research is needed that specifically examines the sexual risk-taking behaviour of male victims of child sexual abuse, and particularly th